Downloads & Free Reading Options - Results

The Aspen Ideas Festival, 2009. Much was made of the then candidate Obama's use of the Internet to fuel his successful campaign for the presidency. Through the use of Web 2.0 technologies, his campaign was able to raise unprecedented levels of money, organize a grassroots organization that spanned 50 States and included more than 3M self-identified volunteers, and facilitated discussions across communities. The President now intends to bring this same level of online deliberation to the White House. But can - and should - this work? Many view the use of Web-based technologies as a new method to "end run" the Washington bureaucracy? Speakers: Joan Dempsey, Lawrence Lessig, Beth Simone Noveck, John Palfrey The Aspen Ideas Festival is the nation's premier, public gathering place for leaders from around the globe and across many disciplines to engage in deep and inquisitive discussion of the ideas and issues that both shape our lives and challenge our times. Learn more at: http://www.aspenideas.org/ Follow us on: Facebook https://www.facebook.com/aspenideas Twitter https://twitter.com/aspenideas LinkedIn https://www.linkedin.com/channels/aspenideas You can also follow the Aspen Institute: Instagram http://instagram.com/aspeninstitute Facebook https://www.facebook.com/AspenInstitute Twitter https://twitter.com/aspeninstitute LinkedIn https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-aspen-institute Pinterest http://www.pinterest.com/aspeninstitute Get regular updates from the Ideas Festival: http://www.aspenideas.org/subscribe-newsletter

Episode #4 of The Struggle for Democracy with Patrick Watson from February 5, 1989.

Episode #4 of The Struggle for Democracy with Patrick Watson from February 5, 1989.

Episode #4 of The Struggle for Democracy with Patrick Watson from February 5, 1989.

I am joined by Koos Malan, former professor of Public Law at the University of Pretoria, constitutional jurist, and author of There is no Supreme Constitution. We discuss "Transformationism," South Africa as a multi-nation state, the state religion of the South African government, the tyranny of the majority, self-determination, and more. ~ [Stream of Consciousness Episode 221] Politocracy: An assessment of the coercive logic of the territorial state and ideas around a response to it - https://www.pulp.up.ac.za/catalogue/monographs/politocracy-an-assessment-of-the-coercive-logic-of-the-territorial-state-and-ideas-around-a-response-to-it There is No Supreme Constitution: A Critique of Statist-individualist Constitutionalism - https://www.amazon.co.za/There-Supreme-Constitution-Statist-individualist-Constitutionalism/dp/1928480268 LINKS Afrikaanse kanaal: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCAxEfPfXamLnyiGAGMC1Jug Support AfriForum by becoming a member: https://sluit-aan.afriforum.co.za/en?campaign=RoepToepCMO&leadSource=600060509 Twitter/X: https://twitter.com/ConCaracal Telegram: https://t.me/ConsciousCaracal Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/1bkCIv0ltXtmlMvC7AI2i0 Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/conscious-caracal/id1533787108

Apoligies for one mistake in this video where I say Jacob Zuma instead of Julius Malema of the Econic Freedom Fighters in South Africa. The communists in disguise of The Greens and Maori elites have an iron grip on NZ. James Shaw, leader of the Greens, says he opposes David Seymour's idea of a referendum on Maori Waitangi treaty principles and threatens mass disruption. John Tamahiri follows up with the same threats. Tamahiri believes NZ should be ruled by the tyranny of the minority, i.e., him and his cabal of radical extremist 'diddy bit' Maori mates, including his son in law, Rawiri Waititi. There's billions and billions riding on them succeeding where they alone will own everything....yes everything including whatever you once owned! PM Chris Luxon is already hiding under the desk, pretending revisionist (made up and fake) Maori history is the truth. John Tamahiri and Tova O'Brian interview below. These people are actively trying g to create civil war while the SIS (NZ MI5)are instructed to hunt down so called white supremacists, ie, them who call the racists and potential terrorists out. https://youtu.be/kE0chJvEtAY?si=P_bjKn9IFKpuk9KI If you want to buy me a coffee then feel free via PayPal to [email protected]

Includes bibliographical references and indexes

Perma.cc archive of https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Tyranny-of-the-Majority/Lani-Guinier/9780029131695 created on 2022-01-26 15:17:59.636016+00:00.

Perma.cc archive of https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Tyranny-of-the-Majority/Lani-Guinier/9780029131695 created on 2022-01-26 15:17:59.636016+00:00.

Perma.cc archive of https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Tyranny-of-the-Majority/Lani-Guinier/9780029131695 created on 2022-01-26 15:17:59.636016+00:00.

Perma.cc archive of https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Tyranny-of-the-Majority/Lani-Guinier/9780029131695 created on 2022-01-26 15:17:59.636016+00:00.

Perma.cc archive of https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Tyranny-of-the-Majority/Lani-Guinier/9780029131695 created on 2022-01-26 15:17:59.636016+00:00.

296 p. 23 cm

Alexis de Tocqueville's concept of the "tyranny of the majority" can benefit social justice pedagogies owing to its capacity to illuminate the silent, invisible character of hegemonic power. As many critical pedagogues have pointed out, this silent and invisible power seeps not only into the public spaces of education, but also into the private spaces of students' identities--as well as our own--shaping both what is discussed and what tends to go un-discussed within American classrooms. This essay explores the pedagogical potential of Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority--that is, how it can be theorized in ways that enable us to critically understand the "anti-democratic" silences and civic self-conceptions of majority privilege. First, a brief historical context is provided for understanding Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority. The author also suggests that pedagogically conceived, the concept can be situated to sharpen the question of what it means to educate both democratic and fascist personalities as disparate models of civic identity. In the second section, drawing upon her experiences teaching controversial issues and upon the work of other contributors to the literature addressing problematic aspects of silence in the classroom, she explores how the "tyranny of the majority" can be deployed as a pedagogical motif to carry out the tasks of a democratic political education.

Alexis de Tocqueville's concept of the "tyranny of the majority" can benefit social justice pedagogies owing to its capacity to illuminate the silent, invisible character of hegemonic power. As many critical pedagogues have pointed out, this silent and invisible power seeps not only into the public spaces of education, but also into the private spaces of students' identities--as well as our own--shaping both what is discussed and what tends to go un-discussed within American classrooms. This essay explores the pedagogical potential of Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority--that is, how it can be theorized in ways that enable us to critically understand the "anti-democratic" silences and civic self-conceptions of majority privilege. First, a brief historical context is provided for understanding Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority. The author also suggests that pedagogically conceived, the concept can be situated to sharpen the question of what it means to educate both democratic and fascist personalities as disparate models of civic identity. In the second section, drawing upon her experiences teaching controversial issues and upon the work of other contributors to the literature addressing problematic aspects of silence in the classroom, she explores how the "tyranny of the majority" can be deployed as a pedagogical motif to carry out the tasks of a democratic political education.

Alexis de Tocqueville's concept of the "tyranny of the majority" can benefit social justice pedagogies owing to its capacity to illuminate the silent, invisible character of hegemonic power. As many critical pedagogues have pointed out, this silent and invisible power seeps not only into the public spaces of education, but also into the private spaces of students' identities--as well as our own--shaping both what is discussed and what tends to go un-discussed within American classrooms. This essay explores the pedagogical potential of Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority--that is, how it can be theorized in ways that enable us to critically understand the "anti-democratic" silences and civic self-conceptions of majority privilege. First, a brief historical context is provided for understanding Tocqueville's concept of the tyranny of the majority. The author also suggests that pedagogically conceived, the concept can be situated to sharpen the question of what it means to educate both democratic and fascist personalities as disparate models of civic identity. In the second section, drawing upon her experiences teaching controversial issues and upon the work of other contributors to the literature addressing problematic aspects of silence in the classroom, she explores how the "tyranny of the majority" can be deployed as a pedagogical motif to carry out the tasks of a democratic political education.